be too often out of sight. Under this alternative, the advice of prudence must be to embrace the lesser evil; and, instead of indulging a fruitless anticipation of the possible mischiefs which may ensue, to contemplate rather the advantageous consequences which may qualify the sacrifice. The militia would not long, if at all, submit to be dragged from their occupations and families to perform that most disagreeable duty in times of profound peace. Let us not attempt to reconcile contradictions, but firmly embrace a rational alternative. If the nation happens, on any emergency, to be more united by the necessity of self-defense, its situation is still deplorable. And of consequence, all the declamation about the disinclination to a change vanishes in air.
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We will presume, for argument's sake, that the revenue arising from the impost duties answers the purposes of a provision for the public debt and of a peace establishment for the Union. But in a confederacy the people, without exaggeration, may be said to be entirely the masters of their own fate. The second, to the particular structure of the government, and the distribution of this power among its several branches. The ingredients which constitute safety in the republican sense are, first, a due dependence on the people, secondly, a due responsibility. The friends and adversaries of the plan of the convention, if they agree in nothing else, concur at least in the value they set upon the trial by jury; or if there essay law and justice is any difference between them it consists in this: the former regard. The meaning of the latter is extremely indeterminate, and can be of little importance under any interpretation which it will bear. It is not difficult to conceive that this characteristic right of freedom may, in certain turbulent and factious seasons, be violated, in respect to a particular class of citizens, by a victorious and overbearing majority; but that so fundamental a privilege, in a country.